REMEMBER YOUR NOT ALONE. Please contact your state house representative or THE CENTER FOR REDRESS OF GRIEVANCES in NH. And watch SPEAK UP NH, who shows one NH Family Court case after another like Jamie Doherty's http://youtu.be/CIOXB21sBMY. You too can tell the public your experience with NH's Family Judicial Branch. NH's very own Family Court Records are proving that NH's Judicial Branch fully participates and supports Kidnapping and Domestic Violence; Real Estate Fraud, Mortgage Fraud, and Property Deed Fraud; Perjury, Falsifying Documents and Non Existing Issues, and above all, Obstruction of all Justice. Case file after case file showing all the evidence in multiple Family Court Records, that are filling the NH County Court Clerk Records Offices daily throughout the whole state! People are being visited by the FBI and THREATENED simply over a NH divorce case. You truly know the truth struck a nerve then. So become a part of the solution and bring them your court case file with your evidence of your experience with NH Family Court. Fear and Silence only continues to fuel what is already a corrupted government branch harming all those who pay their salaries. You are not alone. Numbers can truly speak louder than words!

Jun 20, 2018

Suellen Griffin: The path ahead for state mental health system

For the Monitor
Saturday, June 16, 2018

There were three major issues before the Legislature in 2018 that the N.H. Community Behavioral Health Association identified as the most critical to addressing our state’s ongoing mental health crisis: Medicaid expansion reauthorization, workforce shortages in the behavioral health field, and ever-growing hospital emergency room waitlists, as adults and children suffering from mental illness still wait for beds at N.H. Hospital.

This is a brief update on the successes and failures we saw this year, and a beginning of the discussion we need to have about 2019.

Along with many other health care advocates and social service providers, CBHA worked hard this year to ensure passage of Senate Bill 313, reauthorizing Medicaid expansion. More than 50,000 Granite State citizens would have been left without health insurance if the Medicaid expansion program had not been extended. That number includes thousands of individuals with mental illness who are served by the 10 community mental health centers. The leadership and support of Gov. Chris Sununu, Sens. Chuck Morse and Jeb Bradley, and other policymakers and budget writers was key to its passage last month. We sincerely thank the many legislators on both sides of the political aisle who recognized the need to ensure health insurance coverage for their constituents.

We also championed legislation that will add funding for the State Loan Repayment Program, which helps community mental health centers attract and retain staff. A proven and cost-effective way to address workforce shortages is funding SLRP, which helps individuals pay down their school loans and creates an incentive for them to stay in New Hampshire. CBHA has tracked employment trends at the 10 community mental health centers since December 2015. The data show steady increases in vacancies across the 10 centers. At the end of May there was a 9.2 percent vacancy rate with 218 open positions, 194 of which were clinical.

Lack of staff at our centers means that people with mental illness may not be able to access services when and where they need them, at the community level. This is directly linked to the hospital ER backup and the need for more psychiatric beds at N.H. Hospital. There were over 53 pieces of legislation introduced in the 2018 legislative session related to workforce but less than half the bills were approved (and few are as meaningful as the SLRP funding). We suggest that the Legislature identify workforce as its No. 1 priority for 2019, and that proposals for changes to licensing and other bureaucratic barriers be presented as a package.

Filing 53 separate bills on any one topic can amount to duplication and lack of consistency; some of 2018’s workforce bills were referred to the Labor Committee, some to Health and Human Services, others to the Executive Departments and Administration Committee. And in addition to over a dozen ongoing workforce study committees and commissions that the Legislature or state agencies have established, several new ones were created. There needs to be a comprehensive approach to workforce and legislative leadership needs to take a leadership role on this. The current workforce shortage affects much more than the health care field and nonprofit service providers. All New Hampshire businesses and industries would benefit from an all-inclusive and targeted initiative to fix the problem.

We have said before and will say again that, first and foremost, the Medicaid reimbursement rate schedule for community mental health centers needs to be increased; and the entire mental health system of care must be funded fully. House Bill 400, which directs the Department of Health and Human Services to develop a new Ten-Year Mental Health Plan, was enacted a year ago and work is now underway, with a final report and recommendations for legislation due later this year. Therefore, we offer this list of criteria for the Ten-Year Plan authors and the Legislature – both new and returning members – to consider and take to heart.

To improve mental health in New Hampshire, we as a state must:

1) Adequately reimburse the CMHCs for the vital role they play. The Medicaid fee schedule for community mental health providers has seen no increase since 2006.

2) Increase the income limit for Medicaid clients with spend-downs, which has not been adjusted since 1999.

3) Continue to support the State Loan Repayment Program.

4) Improve support for the implementation and sustainability of evidence-based practices.

5) Ensure that licensure reciprocity laws for mental health and substance use treatment professionals are implemented.

6) Improve access to care in a timely manner.

7) Reinstate the moratorium for prior authorizations for medications prescribed by CMHC prescribers.

8) Add and incentivize the use of new technologies to improve care.

9) Create urgent care centers for behavioral health clients.

10) Increase funding for step-down crisis respite services.

11) Increase funding for peer-based recovery support services.

12) Improve opportunities for hospitals and CMHCs to work together.

13) Re-release the RFP for an Acute Psychiatric Residential Treatment Program to create more capacity.

14) Work closely with managed care organizations.

15) And finally, add more voluntary and involuntary inpatient beds and community-based residential services.

(Suellen Griffin is president of the N.H. Community Behavioral Health Association and president and CEO of West Central Behavioral Health in Lebanon.)

Jun 18, 2018

"The Racist, Slut-Shaming History of Adultery Laws

Prudishness is one of America’s founding principles, and while today we might think we are modern and enlightened, two of the biggest news items at this moment are about adultery. It’s now possible to find out exactly which government officials and which hypocritical reality TV stars were members of AshleyMadison.com, the dating site for married people. Meanwhile, tabloids are finding it difficult to move on from covering Ben Affleck’s apparent sex with his childrens’ nanny. The reality is that we still care much too about other people’s sex lives, and we’re judging. Hard.

Things have changed a bit, though. Historically, that judgment happened not just in gossip sessions and internet publications, but in court.

Adultery is still a criminal offense in 21 states in the U.S. Usually it’s a misdemeanor, but in some states the punishment can include fines up to $3,000 or prison time—up to three years, in Massachusetts. But with courts striking down laws that regulate private sexual activity, these laws have come to seem outdated. If they were to be challenged on constitutional grounds today, it’s more likely than ever before that they’d be struck down. They persist in part because police and prosecutors have basically given up on enforcing them.

Just a few decades ago, Americans were still being sent to jail for having sex outside of their marriages—until, rather suddenly, criminal prosecutions of adultery more or less disappeared. What changed? Why did the American legal system suddenly stop prosecuting this particular type of sex? And who were the last unfortunate people who were not just shamed for committing adultery, but jailed for it?

Looking into the history of these laws, it’s clear that they were not just used to punish married adults for sleeping together. Instead, they were used to enforce more specific social norms around sex and, sometimes, race—how much sex society could tolerate at different points in American history and who, exactly, was allowed to sleep with whom.

Ashley Madison membership aside, in this day and age it’s challenging to build a criminal case for adultery. The standards for proof are high, much higher than they used to be. “In the past, if two people were found in a house and one person was in pajamas and there was only one bed, that’d be enough,” says JoAnne Sweeny, an associate law professor at the University of Louisville. “In more modern cases, you basically have to watch them have sex.”

That’s how one 41-year-old woman in upstate New York ended up charged with adultery just five years ago. One evening in the summer of 2010, she was at a local park with a 29-year-old man, allegedly having sex on a picnic table. When the police arrived, they were both charged with public lewdness; The woman, who was married, also had the adultery charge tacked on and faced the possibility of 90 days in jail or a $500 fine. Initially, she said she’d fight the constitutionality of the law, yet soon her lawyers organized a plea deal in which the adultery charge was dropped.

But if she had pursued a constitutional challenge, she may have won: in the wake of Lawrence v. Texas, the 2003 decision that struck down Texas’ anti-sodomy statute, lawyers have started wondering if these laws would survive modern judicial scrutiny. As recently as the 1980s, though, a state supreme court found that laws criminalizing adultery could stand.

In the fall of the 1980, two Worcester police officers spotted a local woman signaling to the male driver of a van. He stopped; they talked; she got in. The officers began following the van as it went a short distance and pulled down a dirt road, that led to a factory. When they found the van, they peeked into the rear window, and saw the pair having sex.

They were both charged with adultery and fined $50. But the woman fought the charge on constitutional grounds, arguing that the law violated her right to privacy. She ultimately lost: the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court decided that “the State has a legitimate interest in prohibiting conduct which may threaten the institution [of marriage].” They found the law to be constitutional.

But it’s possible that the real use of the law in this case was essentially the same as it’s always been—not to protect marriage, but to enable state-sanctioned slut shaming. Why, after all, were the Worcester police officers watching the woman to begin with? In the Boundaries of Desire, a new book on America’s sex laws, Eric Berkowitz gives a hint: he describes her as “a married Massachusetts woman who moonlighted as a streetwalker.” The problem, perhaps, was not just that a married person was having sex but that she was violating another type of societal stricture.

The enforcement of adultery and fornication laws has never really been about the specific crime committed. They are connected, instead, to the milieu of the time. Some older fornication cases, for instance, were really dealing with rape (albeit badly). And in her study of adultery laws, Sweeny found that enforcement began increasing quite sharply in the second half of the 19th century, just up until the 1910s. “If you look at the time period where it’s really peaking, that’s Victorian times,” she says.

When sex was one of society’s largest concerns, policing of sexual acts increased. But once the Great War started, people had bigger worries than a little bit of extramarital sex. “It’s hard to really know,” says Sweeny, “but from the research I’ve done, I think society’s priorities changed.”

The American judicial system never recovered its early enthusiasm for prosecuting adultery, but there was one last, smaller peak in the wake of World War II, before adultery prosecutions started dwindling for good in the ’70s and ’80s. It seems like the last decade in which American judges sent people to jail for notable amounts of time was probably the 1950s.

In 1955, a North Carolina judge sent a woman named Janie Bell Weeks to jail for two years, after she was found guilty of adultery and fornication. This may have been one of the last lengthy sentences for these charges handed out in the U.S. justice system. A short account of the case appeared in a February issue of Jet magazine, which at the time reported regularly on adultery and fornication cases.

In many of the prosecuted cases, race appeared to play a notable role. The crime for which Weeks was tried, for instance, was having sex with four black men. (She was white.)

Sweeny says that race came up often in adultery cases of that era. “In some of these older cases, in the 1930s, ’40s, and ’50s, they mention specifically if the person is black and the other person is white,” she says. “You don’t need to mention that, and they do. You get the sense, not only for interracial stuff, there’s this social shaming: We don’t do that with those sort of people. It can also be class shaming. These prosecutions seem to be very much enforcing social codes, at different levels.”

In other words, adultery laws were used not just to protect individuals or the institution of marriage, but to police what kinds of people had sex with each other, at all. These days, society is, to some extent, less restrictive about those choices, and so adultery laws have lost their last shred of usefulness. Plus, if we really want to shame two people for their sexual behavior, we don’t need the law: we have the internet."

Jun 11, 2018

"That the rate of divorce has shot up in recent times is only too apparent given the evidence of breaking marriages all around. Even though US government statistics-1 put it at a rather conservative estimate of 3.6 divorces per thousand populations, so much is without doubt that marriages breaking up are more common now than ever in America. And one of the most common reasons for divorces is extra marital affairs. To what extent an affair contributes to marital estrangements is made clear by the following statistics.

Mutual love and trust are the foundation for all marriages in a monogamous society. When a partner indulges in an extramarital affair, the action strikes at the very heart of a marriage which is often unable to cope with the emotional and practical consequences and heads towards divorce. L Betzig,  a researcher on anthropology wrote a paper titled "Causes of conjugal dissolution: A cross-cultural study" in 1989-2 in which he found that infidelity occurred as the single most cited cause of divorce in over 150 cultures and the US is no different. According to a statistics gleaned from 2004, the highest percentage of divorces - as much as 27% - in the US are caused by extramarital affairs with family strains and then marital abuse coming at the second - 18% - and third - 17% - most common reasons for divorce respectively. In yet another study-3, more than 25 percent of the women said that their husbands' unfaithfulness was a factor in their divorce. Less than half as many men – around 10.5 percent - said it was their wives' infidelity which was a cause of their divorce. In fact, at 11.6 percent, more men said that their wives' in-laws were a reason for the divorce than said it was because their wives had had an affair.

An interesting fact about extramarital affair and divorce is that the divorced spouse rarely marries the paramour who caused the marriage breakup and even when he/she does, the resulting marriage is far from a happy one. For example, Dr. Jan Halper’s study of successful men like executives, entrepreneurs, professionals found that very few men who have affairs divorce their wife and marry their lovers.
Only 3 percent of the 4,100 successful men surveyed by Halper eventually married their lovers. Another study carried out by Frank Pittman found that the divorce rate among those who married their lovers was as high as 75 percent. The reasons for the high divorce rate include intervention of reality, guilt at breaking up a marriage, unrealistic expectations from the new marriage, a general distrust of marriage and a distrust of the new spouse.

Yet another emerging trend in case of divorces caused by extramarital affairs is the role of internet in general as well as social networking and dating sites in particular. The internet has added a new dimension to extramarital affairs in recent times. The anonymity and easy availability of online dating now results in many more spouses looking for love outside marriage. The plethora of general dating sites and even those dedicated to relationships on the side like Ashley Madison is proof enough that to online affairs are on the rise. One consequence of this is that one-third of divorce litigation is now caused by online affairs, according to a study titled This Is An Internet E-Mergency and conducted by the Fortino Group.

According to a survey of 350 divorce attorneys, partners who get hooked on Internet porn are a growing complaint among spouses filing for divorce. "If there's dissatisfaction in the existing relationship, the Internet is an easy way for people to scratch the itch," said lawyer J. Lindsey Short, Jr., president of the American Academy of Matrimonial Lawyers which conducted the study. Results of the study also found that 57% of people have used the Internet to flirt and that there is a high correlation between online infidelity and subsequent real life affairs.

Divorce statistics delineated by age too throws up some interesting facts – apparently the younger the age of marriage, the higher the probability of it ending in a divorce. In America states like Arkansas and Oklahoma where men and women marry young - half of first-time brides in these states were age 24 or younger on their wedding day - the shares of women who divorced in 2007-2008, tended to be above the average rate, according to a study by the Pew Research Organization and based on the American Community Survey taken through 2008-4. On the other hand, states like Massachusetts and New York threw up an opposite picture. While their residents married late – half of ever-married New York men were older than age 30 when they first wed – they also had below-average shares of men and women who divorced in 2007-2008. In fact Betsey Stevenson of the Wharton school at Pennsylvania University even devised a “marriage calculator” in 2009 to predict the likelihood of a divorce. “The lowest divorce rates are among people who marry late with more education; the highest ones are among those who marry young with less education," says the economist-5.

While lack of financial stability and emotional maturity are the prime causes of broken marriages among young couples, another common cause is infidelity. Such spouses are more likely to stray into an affair since they have not yet fully explored the gamut of romantic relationships and dating. Settling down early leaves them with little opportunity to develop adult relationships and later as married partners they find themselves drawn to experiencing other kids of relationships. Unfortunately divorce at an early age can have long ranging consequences - along with leaving the emotional scars, economic effects are also devastating, especially for young mothers, so much so that social scientists and demographers fear that an entire new impoverished subclass has emerged."

Jun 10, 2018



UPDATED: JUNE 10, 2018  8:43pm Est.
Provisional number of marriage and divorce rate (2000-2016) CDC

New Hampshire v United States Marriage and Divorce Rates 2000-2016 [Rates are based on provisional counts of marriages by state of occurrence.  Rates are per 1,000 total population residing in area. Population enumerated as of April 1 for 2000 and 2010, all other years are estimated as of July 1]

    YEAR                  NEW HAMPSHIRE         UNITED STATES      NH  RATE OF       U.S. RATE OF
                                        MARRIAGES               MARRIAGES               DIVORCE            DIVORCE
   2016                                       7.O                         6.9                        3.4                           3.2
   2015                                       6.9                         6.9                         3.3                           3.1
   2014                                       7.2                         6.9                         3.5                           3.2
   2013                                       6.9                         6.8                        3.7                            3.3
   2012                                       6.8                         6.8                         3.6                           3.4
   2011                                       7.1                         6.8                         3.8                           3.6

   2010                                       8.3                         6.8                         3.8                           3.6
   2009                                       6.5                         6.8                         3.7                           3.5

   2008                                      6.8                          7.1                         3.9                           3.5

   2007                                      7.1                          7.3                         3.8                           3.6
   2006                                      7.2                          7.5                         4.1                           3.7
   2005                                      7.3                          7.6                         3.9                           3.6
   2004                                      8.0                          7.8                         4.0                           3.7

   2003                                      8.1                          7.1                         4.1                           3.8
   2002                                      8.3                          8.0                         4.3                           3.9
   2001                                      8.5                          8.2                         4.4                           4.0

   2000                                      9.4                          8.2                         4.8                           4.0          

Jun 9, 2018

June 9, 2018 - "The deaths of the designer Kate Spade and the chef Anthony Bourdain, both of whom committed suicide this week, were not simply pop culture tragedies. They were the latest markers of an intractable public health crisis that has been unfolding in slow motion for a generation.

Treatment for chronic depression and anxiety — often the precursors to suicide — has never been more available and more widespread. Yet the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention this week reported a steady, stubborn rise in the national suicide rate, up 25 percent since 1999.

The rates have been climbing each year across most age and ethnic groups. Suicide is now the 10th leading cause of death in the United States. Nearly 45,000 Americans killed themselves in 2016, twice the number who died by homicide.

After decades of research, effective prevention strategies are lacking,  It remains difficult, perhaps impossible, to predict who will commit suicide, and the phenomenon is extremely difficult for researchers to study.

The escalating suicide rate is a profound indictment of the country's mental health system.  Most people who kill themselves have identifiable psychiatric symptoms, even if they never get an official diagnosis.

The rise in suicide rates has coincided over the past two decades with a vast increase in the number of Americans given a diagnosis of depression or anxiety, and treated with medication.

The number of people taking an open-ended prescription for an antidepressant is at a historic high. More than 15 million Americans have been on the drugs for more than five years, a rate that has more than tripled since 2000.

But if treatment is so helpful, why hasn’t its expansion halted or reversed suicide trends?

“This is the question I’ve been wrestling with: Are we somehow causing increased morbidity and mortality with our interventions?” said Dr. Thomas Insel, former director of the National Institute of Mental Health and now president of Mindstrong Health, which makes technology to monitor people with mental health problems.

I don’t think so,” Dr. Insel continued. “I think the increase in demand for the services is so huge that the expansion of treatment thus far is simply insufficient to make a dent in what is a huge social change.”

Drug trials and other randomized studies are virtually useless for capturing measurable effects on suicide. Most drug trials explicitly exclude subjects deemed a suicide risk; even when they don’t, the studies don’t last long enough to say anything definitive about who commits suicide.

But one recent study, by Danish researchers, supported the benefits of therapeutic intervention.

Using detailed medical records, the investigators studied more than 5,500 people who had been treated for deliberate self-harm, including cutting and clear suicide attempts.

Over decades, the portion of those people who got psychotherapy at suicide clinics were about 30 percent less likely to die or commit further self-harm than those who did not.

“I personally think that it’s the quality of care that matters, not the quantity,” Dr. Insel said. “We need more access, better measures and better quality of care.”

But in this country, many of those who commit suicide have received little or no professional help. Indeed, they rarely tell anyone beforehand of their plan — when there is one. Often the act is impulsive.

According to Matthew Nock, a professor of psychology at Harvard, the wide majority of people who die by suicide “explicitly deny suicidal thoughts or intentions in their last communications before dying.”

Andrew Spade, Ms. Spade’s husband, said she had seemed fine when he’d talked to her just before her suicide. Mr. Bourdain was filming one of his clever, humorous shows in Strasbourg, France, when his body was discovered.

The rise of suicide turns a dark mirror on modern American society: its racing, fractured culture; its flimsy mental health system; and the desperation of so many individual souls, hidden behind the waves of smiling social media photos and cute emoticons.

In surveys, younger respondents are more likely than older ones “to believe we have the right to die under certain circumstances, like incurable disease, bankruptcy, or being tired of living,” Dr. Julie Phillips, a sociologist at Rutgers. said.

The social scientists Christopher Lasch and Robert Putnam identified postwar influences that have corroded the fabric of local everyday life — the block parties, church meetings, family barbecues and civic groups that once bound people against solitude and abandonment.

More recently, the economists Anne Case and Angus Deaton of Princeton have argued that the hollowing out of the economy and loss of middle and working class supports, like unions, have contributed to a broad increase in self-reported pain in those groups, both mental and physical.

The aggressive marketing of opioids by Purdue Pharma and others eased some of that pain — and helped create a generation of addicts, tens of thousands of whom die each year. Opioids are the third most common drugs found in the systems of suicides, after alcohol and anti-anxiety medications like Xanax, the C.D.C. reported.

A decline in marriage rates has likely played a role, as well. In her research, Dr. Phillips has found that in 2005 single middle-aged women were as much as 2.8 times more likely to kill themselves than married women, and their single male peers 3.5 times more likely than married men to do the same.
“In contrast to homicide and traffic safety and other public health issues, there’s no one accountable, no one whose job it is to prevent these deaths — no one who gets fired if these numbers go from 45,000 to 50,000,” Dr. Insel said.

“It’s shameful. We would never tolerate that in other areas of public health and medicine.”

Jun 6, 2018




Estimated deaths so far since start of 2014 due to HPV

      United States:

Genital human papillomavirus (HPV) is the most common sexually transmitted infection in the United States.   An estimated 14 million persons newly infected every year, resulting in approximately $1.7 billion (estimates range from $800 million to $2.9 billion) in direct medical costs. 

79 million Americans, most in their late teens and early 20s, are infected with HPV - Human Papilloma Virus. There are 200 different types of HPV. Some types can cause health problems including genital warts and cancers. But there are vaccines that can stop these health problems from happening.  Annual HPV associated cancer incidence rates range by state from 7.9 per 100,000 to 15.3 per 100,000.  New Hampshire annual rate was at 11.o per 100,000 in 2014.

You can get HPV by having vaginal, anal, or oral sex with someone who has the virus. It is most commonly spread during vaginal or anal sex. HPV can be passed even when an infected person has no signs or symptoms.  It can also be spread through oral sex or other close skin-to-skin touching during sex. HPV can be spread even when an infected person has no visible signs or symptoms.

Anyone who is sexually active can get HPV, even if you have had sex with only one person. You also can develop symptoms years or even decades after you have sex with someone who is infected. This makes it hard to know when you first became infected.

HPV can cause cervical and other cancers including cancer of the vulva, vagina, penis, or anus. It can also cause cancer in the back of the throat, including the base of the tongue and tonsils (called oropharyngeal cancer


Cancer often takes years, even decades, to develop after a person gets HPV. The types of HPV that can cause genital warts are not the same as the types of HPV that can cause cancers. There is no way to know which people who have HPV will develop cancer or other health problems. People with weak immune systems (including those with HIV/AIDS) may be less able to fight off HPV. They may also be more likely to develop health problems from HPV.

Number of HPV-Attributable Cancer Cases per Year

An HPV-attributable cancer is a cancer that is probably caused by HPV. HPV causes nearly all cervical cancers and many cancers of the vagina, vulva, penis, anus, rectum, and oropharynx. A CDC study used population-based data from cancer tissue to estimate the percentage of these cancers that are probably caused by HPV. Since rectal cancer was not included in the CDC genotyping study, the percentage of anal cancer caused by HPV was used because recent studies have shown that the HPV-associated types of anal and rectal squamous cell carcinomas are similar.

To find the number of HPV-attributable cancers, multiply the number of HPV-associated cancers by the percentage of these cancers that are probably caused by HPV. For example, about 5,229 people are diagnosed with anal cancer each year, and about 91% of anal cancers are thought to be caused by HPV.

91% of 5,229 is about 4,800, as shown in the table below.
  • About 79% of anal cancers are probably caused by two types of HPV: 16 and 18.
    79% of 5,229 is about 4,200, as shown in the table below.
  • About 8% of anal cancers are probably caused by HPV types 31, 33, 45, 52, and 58.
    8% of 5,229 is about 400, as shown in the table below.
Number of HPV-Associated and HPV-Attributable
Cancer Cases per Year
Cancer site(HPV-associated cancers)Percentage probably caused by any HPV typeaNumber probably caused by any HPV typeaPercentage probably caused by HPV types 16/18bNumber probably caused by HPV types 16/18bPercentage probably caused by HPV types 31/33/45/52/58cNumber probably caused by HPV types 31/33/45/52/58c








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Female23,330 83% 19,400 63% 14,700 13% 3,100
Male16,514 73% 12,100 64% 10,600 4% 700

A) HPV types detected in genotyping study; most were high-risk HPV types known to cause cancer(Saraiya M et al. U.S. assessment of HPV types in cancers: implications for current and 9-valent HPV vaccines. Journal of the National Cancer Institute 2015;107:djv086).

B) HPV types 16/18 can be prevented by the bivalent, quadrivalent, and 9-valent HPV vaccines.

C) HPV types 31/33/45/52/58 can be prevented by the 9-valent HPV vaccine.

Stacked bar chart showing the average number of new cases of cancer in parts of the body where HPV is often found, and the number and percentage of cancers that are probably caused by HPV.

There is no test to find out a person’s “HPV status.” Also, there is no approved HPV test to find HPV in the mouth or throat.

HPV-Associated Oropharyngeal Cancer Rates by State

The states below are divided into groups based on the rates at which people were diagnosed with an HPV-associated oropharyngeal cancer.

During 2009–2013, The rates are the average numbers out of 100,000 people who developed cancer each year.

*Note: This study used cancer registry data to estimate the amount of HPV-associated cancer in the United States by examining cancer in parts of the body and cancer cell types that are more likely to be caused by HPV. Cancer registries do not collect data on the presence or absence of HPV in cancer tissue at the time of diagnosis. In general, HPV is thought to be responsible for about 91% of cervical cancers, 75% of vaginal cancers, 69% of vulvar cancers, 63% of penile cancers, 91% of anal cancers, and 70% of oropharyngeal cancers.


LOW                                                       4.84 to 7.22
MEDIUM                                            7.23 to 8.41
HIGH                                                  8.42 to 10.03

              DATA FOR WOMEN INTERVAL RATES                 

LOW                                                      0.82 to 1.56
MEDIUM                                               1.57 to 1.85
HIGH                                                     1.86 to 2.43

There are HPV tests that can be used to screen for cervical cancer. These tests are only recommended for screening in women aged 30 years and older. HPV tests are not recommended to screen men, adolescents, or women under the age of 30 years.

Most people with HPV do not know they are infected and never develop symptoms or health problems from it. Some people find out they have HPV when they get genital warts. Women may find out they have HPV when they get an abnormal Pap test result (during cervical cancer screening). Others may only find out once they’ve developed more serious problems from HPV, such as cancers.

How common is HPV and the health problems caused by HPV?

HPV (the virus): About 79 million Americans are currently infected with HPV. About 14 million people become newly infected each year. HPV is so common that almost every person who is sexually-active will get HPV at some time in their life if they don’t get the HPV vaccine.

Health problems related to HPV include genital warts and cervical cancer.

Genital warts: Before HPV vaccines were introduced, roughly 340,000 to 360,000 women and men were affected by genital warts caused by HPV every year.* Also, about one in 100 sexually active adults in the U.S. has genital warts at any given time.

Cervical cancer: Every year, nearly 12,000 women living in the U.S. will be diagnosed with cervical cancer, and more than 4,000 women die from cervical cancer—even with screening and treatment.

There are other conditions and cancers(https://www.cdc.gov/std/hpv/stdfact-hpv.htm) caused by HPV that occur in people living in the United States. Every year, approximately 19,400 women and 12,100 men are affected by cancers caused by HPV.

*These figures only look at the number of people who sought care for genital warts. This could be an underestimate of the actual number of people who get genital warts.

Can I be treated for HPV or health problems caused by HPV?

There is no treatment for the virus itself. However, there are treatments for the health problems that HPV can cause:
  1. Genital warts can be treated by your healthcare provider or with prescription medication. If left untreated, genital warts may go away, stay the same, or grow in size or number.
  2. Cervical precancer can be treated. Women who get routine Pap tests and follow up as needed can identify problems before cancer develops. Prevention is always better than treatment. For more information visit www.cancer.org.
  3. Other HPV-related cancers are also more treatable when diagnosed and treated early. For more information visit www.cancer.org"